{"id":16199,"date":"2019-06-06T14:55:28","date_gmt":"2019-06-06T12:55:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marekkuchcinski.pl\/?p=16199"},"modified":"2019-06-06T16:52:18","modified_gmt":"2019-06-06T14:52:18","slug":"roger-scruton-wyzwania-dla-rzadow-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej-iv-szczyt-przewodniczacych-parlamentow-panstw-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marekkuchcinski.pl\/en\/wspolpraca-miedzynarodowa\/roger-scruton-wyzwania-dla-rzadow-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej-iv-szczyt-przewodniczacych-parlamentow-panstw-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej\/","title":{"rendered":"Roger Scruton: Challenges for Central and Eastern European Governments - IVth Summit of Speakers of Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe"},"content":{"rendered":"


<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Roger Scruton\/ photo by Marta Olejnik<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

It is\na great honour to be asked to address this assembly,\nrepresenting the parliaments of the former Communist countries. And I welcome the\nopportunity to say something about the legacy of communism and what it means to us\ntoday.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I admit..,\nthat I am an anti-communist. In the 1970s and 1980s at our universities in\nBritain anti-communists were shunned. After all, we were attacking a revolution that\noffered to liberate humanity from a worldwide capitalist conspiracy.\nOur professors admitted that the Soviet Union had failed; but only in\npractice it was bad, not in theory. We apologists for capitalism were wrong in\ntheory, which was far worse than some \"accident\" of causing twenty\nmillion deaths and the expiration of individual liberty over half the globe. The fact that\nwe were right in practice was barely noticed by our critics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We've been through it all, but I think\nthere's still a lot to learn. Life has been difficult for us thanks to\nour \"nice\" friends who repeatedly expressed their outrage at\nour nastiness so they could better show how nice they were. It was then that\nI learned how awful feigned kindness can be. From the moment in 1980\nI emerged as a defender of conservative values against socialist\northodoxy, my life has been one long series of attacks designed to\nundermine my position as a public intellectual. Teaching at the University of\nLondon was particularly difficult. In fact, my first real\nexperience of intellectual freedom was here in Poland, where I came\nto speak at conferences and private seminars organized by\na small group of people in Britain who, like me, wanted to make\ncontact with other dissidents behind the Iron Curtain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Poland, the widespread contempt for the\nCommunist system meant that both students and professors were willing to\nfor a wide-ranging discussion. For them, conservatism was not a sin or\nheresy, but a possible worldview, all the more interesting because it was\ncondemned by the Communists and despised by the Western left. Traveling in\nCentral and Eastern European countries in those days, carrying the message of\nmessage of alternative philosophy was one of the most liberating experiences\nof my life, regardless of the dangers and deprivations. I began to believe,\nthat I could be right in theory and not just in practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not surprisingly, then, since 1989 I have followed developments with\nI followed the development of events with interest and concern and found that the moment of\nliberation from the Soviet yoke was not simply the end of old problems,\nbut also the beginning of new ones. And it is about these problems that I want to talk today, as\nas well as about the situation on our continent today, as we try to\ncooperate in solving them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before 1989, our continent was divided\nbetween totalitarian socialism and free democracy, and while leftist\nintellectuals defended the former, everyone lived, if they could, in the\nthe second. Today the division is not between different areas of our continent.\nIt is a division between two conflicting views. On the one hand there is\nattachment to the nation-state, with its language, institutions and\nreligious heritage. On the other hand, there is the cosmopolitan vision of a\nof a supranational order, a borderless economy and universal human rights law.\nhuman rights. Both views grew out of the religious conflicts of the 17th century and both\nbore fruit in the Enlightenment. And the tension between them is persistent and unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is impossible to understand our continent today,\nif we do not recognize that it is an association of nation states, each\nhas its own territory, customs, language and native religions - assets that\ndefine the loyalty of its inhabitants and their shared sense of home. But we must\nalso recognize that the legal and political institutions of our continent have turned\nin a cosmopolitan direction. Perhaps this is less true in my country. Z\ncertainly true in continental Europe, and it is especially true\nespecially in former communist states. The laws and case law of the courts of\nEuropean courts have enabled the former communist countries to fill the legal vacuum\ncreated by the Communist Party. This in turn has enabled them to receive and\nprotection of emerging investments, and thus enter the global\ncapitalist economy with relatively little friction and, unfortunately, with too\nlittle awareness of the social and cultural costs of this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the heart of the European project is an\nagenda, which was established without reference to the specific needs and\nvalues of the European peoples. Regardless of their social and religious\nheritage, the citizens of Europe are forced to recognize rights derived from\nabstract ideas of freedom and autonomy that oppose the norms of indigenous\nreligions: rights to abortion, surrogate birth, euthanasia, and so on. These rights\nare defended not because people have chosen to go in that direction, but\nbecause they are part of the worldview of the ruling elite, who can make\nlaws over the heads of sovereign governments. Moreover, the governments of European nations\nhave been asked to relinquish the fundamental right of sovereign states\nwhich is the right to decide who lives within their borders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Treaty of Rome's provisions on\nFree movement were developed at a time when the signatories\nenjoyed comparable standards of living, with more or less full\nemployment and similar welfare systems. There was no temptation to\nchange residence, except for specific purposes in a given job.\nNow, however, freedom of movement means a massive one-way\nmovement of people from former communist countries to the West, particularly\nto Britain, whose government sets a very low barrier to entry. This\none of the causes of the Brexit crisis. But it has also had a serious\ndemographically on the Visegrad countries, which have lost many of the best and\nbrightest of their young people at a time when both starting\neconomy and defending against the Russian threat required a full army of\nof youth and a total commitment to rebuilding the national economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Moreover, the dissolution of the borders made it impossible to\nmaintaining a national immigration policy. The EU tried to take control of the\nthe situation by distributing migrants according to a quota system. But Mrs. Merkel's open\nMrs. Merkel's invitation to Syrians, the influx at the Hungarian border and the big\nissue of human smuggling in the Mediterranean made such a policy\nunviable. The situation is particularly troubling for former\ncommunist countries for the same reason that communism made it impossible - or in any\nmade it unattractive - to migrate to them from anywhere outside the Soviet\nsphere. Hence, this unforeseen price of freedom came as a tremendous shock ,\nboth political and psychological. Paradoxically, communism, established\nas an international movement and claiming to abolish all sovereign borders\nhelped preserve the nation state. Indeed, the nation was an enduring reality\naround which resistance could form and, combined with the powerful revival of the\nCatholic faith in Poland, proved decisive in overthrowing the tyranny of\ncommunist tyranny.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Resistance\nagainst mass immigration has drawn accusations of \"racism and xenophobia\" from the\nEU, along with moves to expel Hungary's Fidesz party from the\nEuropean People's Party (EPP), and even the expulsion of Hungary itself from the\nEuropean Union. This in turn has strengthened Viktor Orb\u00e1n's government in its stance and\nled to growing resistance to immigration throughout the region. The issue\nhas also been absorbed into a broader conflict, between domestic and\ninternational perspective, which goes back to our continent's past and to\ndark and difficult emotions that tore the continent apart in the 20th century.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

W\nThe result was a sudden and radical change in the language and direction of political conflict\npolitical conflict across Europe, with the European elite condemning the \"populism\" of the national movements\nnational movements, which in turn condemn the elitism of the European political class.\nThis conflict has played out in increasing anger and confusion in my country,\nbetween supporters and opponents of Brexit. It seems to me that it is now important to\nboth to understand what is at stake and to reach some resolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The charge of \"populism\" is directed\nagainst the movements for national independence and national renewal, mainly\nto dismiss the fact that they enjoy popular support. This is what\nwe saw in the Liberal response in Britain to the\nBrexit. The majority voted for Brexit; but you can dismiss their vote\nby describing it as \"populist\". For there are two ways of appealing to\npeople - indirectly, through institutions that guard the liberal vote, and\ndirectly, by asking them what they think. A direct appeal to the people is dismissed\nas dangerous. After all, they don't know what they think, and if they do, it's because,\nbecause they are thinking inadequately. Only when people are guided and\ntempered by a liberal constitution, and that means filtering their raw\nemotions through a fine net of liberal fluctuations, so that only a\nharmless stream of sentiment gets through.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The same charge of populism is used against the\nLaw and Justice party in Poland and Fidesz in Hungary. Both are accused of\ntoo direct an appeal to people's feelings, especially their feelings of belonging.\nOrdinary people cling to forms of membership that are local, limited and\ndifficult to translate into bureaucratic norms. Their values are shaped\nby religion, family, language and national history and do not necessarily recognize the power of\nof supranational obligations or universal human rights codes, especially\nwhen those codes are in direct conflict with the special obligations of\nmarriage, family, and religion. \"Populism\" is increasingly defined as a\na pejorative term, to dismiss the appeal of this kind of sentiment, although\nit is a sentiment without which ordinary people may find it difficult to recognize\ntheir political commitments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It seems to me that the conflict between leftist\nintelligence and ordinary human nature has shifted from the realm of socialism vs.\ncapitalism to such a new realm of enlightened liberalism vs. residual\nnationalism. What liberals denounce as populism is actually an attempt to\nto preserve old and inherited feelings of identity and belonging. A\npeople condemn elitism as really the Enlightenment concept of a\nof a universal and boundless political order in which conflicts\nsupposedly disappear because their cause - which is the competing web of\nof national loyalties - has been swept away.\nThe EU was founded by people moved by the ideas of the Enlightenment and who saw\nnationalism as the force that unleashed a century of European wars.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Looking\nhindsight, it is equally reasonable to see the idea of a universal\nand boundless form of politics as the basis for\nentrapment of Eastern and Central Europe by the Communists. Nationalism\nGerman was certainly destructive; but so too was the internationalism of the\nSoviet internationalism. Why not acknowledge that they are not in themselves more destructive\nthan others, but that each of them can become destructive when it is\nintroduced into a totalitarian project, in which dissent is not allowed, and\npeople can no longer express their views?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, what is most interesting about the new\nconfrontation is that the intellectual left has again taken the highest\nposition, is not ready to recognize the\ndemocratic legitimacy of movements it considers \"populist\" and is\ndetermined to thwart any attempt by these movements to establish themselves in\ngovernment. The same annihilating rage directed against conservatives\nsuch as myself in the 1970s and 1980s is now directed against alleged\npopulists, and - not surprisingly - there is a growing population of populists to retaliate\nas well as they can. The resulting rise in temperature is one of the\nfactors in the loss of confidence in the EU, which, it seems\nhas led to a conflict that it cannot manage. And it is a conflict that\nreveals itself in all the rapid changes that our\ncontinent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This conflict is particularly important for\npost-communist countries because they lacked a clear idea in 1989\nof what they are and what unites people into a political body. The communists had a\na program in which people were called to a cause that was clearly\nunattainable, or at any rate hopelessly outdated. They offered no\nconcept of identity other than the all-encompassing goal of the communist\nmillennium. All those factors that could convince people to\nadhere to that goal - culture, art, music, religion, history - were\npushed underground, and the carefree\nsurface of daily life contained no promise of a future\nother than this one. Inevitably, therefore, people sought a new identity politics ,\nthat would hold them together as \"we.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This was the one thing that the EU was not\nwas able to provide. Instead, it gave them a way into the global economy and a way\naway from home, but without a new way of belonging. As the\ndisappointments, the hope of belonging grew. Where is it and who defines it? Global\ncapitalism is not the answer because it only invalidates the world of loyalty and\nputs everything, including human relationships, up for sale. There is certainly\nwhat is justified in those old leftist critiques: that the human heart\nhas no real place in the global economy, the heart that so many of us\nobserved in those who fought against communist tyranny in your countries and\nwho hoped that when the mask of dictatorship finally fell, that from under it\na smiling nation would emerge from beneath it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In my opinion, this situation should be\nseen as an opportunity, not a crisis. After thirty years of turmoil\nthe people of Eastern and Central Europe are beginning to understand that they are\nAfter thirty years of turmoil the people of Eastern and Central Europe are beginning to understand that they are the inheritors of two great achievements: on the one hand the nation state\nThe nation-state as a form of social and political identity; on the other hand, the Enlightenment\nconcept of citizenship, in which everyone assumes full responsibility for belonging\nsociety within a common rule of law. These two achievements are at war with each other in\npart because the EU wants to suppress or even destroy the national idea. But\nproperly understood, they are interdependent. And this is the task we all\nwhich we all now face, and you in particular. We must recognize that without\nnational identity and the resulting loyalty there is no way\nto build a society of citizens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democracy\nand the rule of law are realities only when opposing sides can live with\neach other on terms. The great mistake\nof the Communists was to eliminate the opposition, to conscript the people into a \"unity\" which they\nthey did not choose and which they were not allowed to question. The great advantage of democracy\nis that it makes opposition possible and legal. As a consequence, however, in a\ndemocracy more than half of the people at any time can live under a government\nthat they did not elect, perhaps even a government that they hate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What\nmakes it possible? Why don't democracies fall under the pressure of\nof popular opposition? The answer is simple: they do not collapse because\ncitizen's loyalty is not to the government but to something higher, something that is\ncommon to all citizens, regardless of their political beliefs and\ninclinations. That higher thing is the nation, the entity to which we all belong, and\nwhich defines the first person plural of democratic politics. Without\nthis common \"we\" democracies cannot survive, and it is by\ndestruction of this \"we\" the communists were able to maintain power, ruling as\n\"they\" dictatorships.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It seems\nto me, then, that the so-called populists are right to emphasize the nation-state\nas a source of loyalty and that their enlightened liberal opponents should\nrecognize this and stop using the European institutions as a way of punishing\ngovernments that lean in that direction. Conversely, those who wish to\nrevive the national ideal and reaffirm the rights of national sovereignty should\nlisten to the voice of the liberal enlightenment and accept that national sentiment always\nmust be tempered by the recognition of those persons who do not, or cannot\nshare them.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This,\nin my opinion, defines the task before you today, which is to reconcile\ntwo urgent needs: the need to affirm national sovereignty and\nthe need to conform to universal standards of citizenship. These are\ntwo great gifts of the European political heritage and they are mutually\ninterdependent. We should oppose those who wish to separate them, denouncing\none or the other as an offense against the people. After all, it is the people who have\nhave the most to lose from any conflict between them, and the task of the\npolitician is not to create conflict, but to calm it down. I hope that\nwe've reached the point where this is possible. And that eventually the poison\nadministered by the Communists will be removed from the system. <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

To wielki zaszczyt, \u017ce zosta\u0142em poproszony o przem\u00f3wienie na tym zgromadzeniu, reprezentuj\u0105cym parlamenty by\u0142ych pa\u0144stw komunistycznych. I ciesz\u0119 si\u0119 z okazji, by powiedzie\u0107 co\u015b o spu\u015bci\u017anie komunizmu i o tym, co to dla nas oznacza dzisiaj. Przyznaj\u0119, \u017ce jestem antykomunist\u0105. W latach 70-tych i 80-tych na naszych uniwersytetach w Wielkiej Brytanii antykomunist\u00f3w unikano. W ko\u0144cu […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":16200,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[81,50],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-16199","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-wiesci-z-sejmu","category-wspolpraca-miedzynarodowa"],"yoast_head":"\nRoger Scruton: Wyzwania dla rz\u0105d\u00f3w Europy \u015arodkowej i Wschodniej - IV Szczyt Przewodnicz\u0105cych Parlament\u00f3w Pa\u0144stw Europy \u015arodkowej i Wschodniej – Marek Kuchci\u0144ski<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/marekkuchcinski.pl\/en\/wspolpraca-miedzynarodowa\/roger-scruton-wyzwania-dla-rzadow-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej-iv-szczyt-przewodniczacych-parlamentow-panstw-europy-srodkowej-i-wschodniej\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Roger Scruton: Wyzwania dla rz\u0105d\u00f3w Europy \u015arodkowej i Wschodniej - IV Szczyt Przewodnicz\u0105cych Parlament\u00f3w Pa\u0144stw Europy \u015arodkowej i Wschodniej – Marek Kuchci\u0144ski\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"To wielki zaszczyt, \u017ce zosta\u0142em poproszony o przem\u00f3wienie na tym zgromadzeniu, reprezentuj\u0105cym parlamenty by\u0142ych pa\u0144stw komunistycznych. 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